Controlling the Capital by Tom Goodfellow

Controlling the Capital by Tom Goodfellow

Author:Tom Goodfellow [Goodfellow, Tom]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 9780192694485
Publisher: OUP Oxford
Published: 2023-08-28T21:56:48+00:00


5.6 Development promises and political risks

The effectiveness of repressive interventions, combined with the fortuity of historical events outlined, has meant that the BNP is dramatically depleted as a political force. Less government attention now appears to be given to the day-to-day efforts to control this threat, while major crises have required considerable resolve, not least managing the world’s largest refugee camp and addressing Covid-19. The lack of broadly democratic competition has led to considerable criticism both internationally and at home. It strikes many people as unjust and immoral, particularly when the government has been stung by corruption crises, such as the revelation that certain members of the RAB have been paid to kill politicians extrajudicially in a region close to the capital (Ganguly 2017). The question this raises is: how has the ruling party sustained legitimacy in the face of clear democratic reversal, and what role, if any, does Dhaka play in this story?

Increasingly central to the identity of the ruling coalition are claims about the ‘development’ seen in the country and the responsibility of the AL for bringing this about. The economic successes that have continued over the AL’s past three terms in office are real, important, and a source of pride. Bangladesh is now a ‘middle income’ (albeit lower-middle income) country, as judged by UN metrics. This appears to be a fulfilment of a key promise made under ‘Vision 2021’, a centrepiece of the government’s agenda for the country’s fiftieth anniversary. The wider development achievements seen over the past decade compare favourably to those seen in neighbouring India: poverty has fallen, and infant mortality, literacy rates, and female secondary school enrolment are much improved. Attention has now turned to Bangladesh becoming a ‘developed nation’ by 2041, a sign also of the longevity aspired to by the ruling party.

Commentators have argued that these successes are showcased as part of an implicit bargain struck with the nation: we may not be democratic, but we are developing (Khalid and Sarker 2018; Mahmud 2021). Campaign songs and slogans during the 2018 election seem to affirm such a message. One new slogan often heard was ‘the country floats on development, so we want the boat again’, referring to the AL’s party symbol of the nouka. Even in local elections, development and progress were cast as central to how ruling-party politicians want to be seen. Dhaka plays an interesting role in this vision. On the one hand, it is where key development successes are highlighted, most notably large-scale, eye-catching infrastructure projects. Flyovers now cast shadows across the city, and the country’s first Metro Rail is due to open in late 2022 when construction on a Subway will also begin. There is some indication that particular groups may also be induced through state resources. In the run-up to the 2018 election, for example, the Prime Minister publicly proclaimed that apartment blocks would be built on the city’s outskirts to house those currently living in slums, and these would be available for the same price as a shack (Daily Star 2018a).



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